1990년대 중국의 민족주의 확산과 단행본 출판: 『No라고 말할 수 있는 중국』과 『앵그리 차이나』의 사례를 중심으로 (The Expansion of Chinese Nationalism in the 1990s and the Publication of China Can Say “No” and China is Unhappy)

서지정보

· 발행기관 : 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소
· 수록지 정보 : 인문과학연구논총 / 38권 / 3호 / 95 ~ 128페이지
· 저자명 : 이정훈

초록

Perceived as landmark events heralding the heightening of Chinese nationalism, the publication of two controversial books—China Can Say “No” in 1996 and China Is Unhappy in 2009—generated massive commercial interest and intense public debate in China. This article closely examines these publishing phenomena, including the circumstances surrounding the planning and publication of these two bestsellers, the professed motivations behind the contributors’ participation, and the social impact that they occasioned. By introducing the intellectual and political topography within China underlying the books’ phenomenal success and examining the social and cultural background for the resurgence and spread of nationalism in China in the 1990s, the article elucidates the full significance of renewed nationalism in China. After reemerging on the international scene in the 1990s, China failed in its bid to host the Olympics and also confronted the theory of China as a global threat. In this climate, Chinese intellectuals began to reflect critically on the excessive idealization and romanticization of the West that had characterized the trends of enlightenment thought. This revision coincided on the one hand with the growth of interest among the masses in nationalism which had been considered taboo under socialism, and on the other with the efforts of the newly privatized publishing companies to produce bestsellers for the market. In the liberalist camp, which misunderstood the claims of these books’ contributors as advocating a return to the Cultural Revolution, opposition and severe critique were voiced, but the response of intellectuals and the masses were balanced between opposition and support on the whole. China Is Unhappy, published in 2009, revealed an ambition for the establishment of a new world order centered on China, and some of this agenda (AIIB, the Belt and Road, and building up the navy) appear now to be in the process of being realized as a matter of government policy. While it cannot be denied that popular nationalism represents a definite trend and that it has impacted the policy of the Chinese government to an extent, interpreting it as the official mainstream position of the Chinese government or as the ideological foundation for Sinocentric global hegemony runs the risk of unwarranted generalization.

영어초록

Perceived as landmark events heralding the heightening of Chinese nationalism, the publication of two controversial books—China Can Say “No” in 1996 and China Is Unhappy in 2009—generated massive commercial interest and intense public debate in China. This article closely examines these publishing phenomena, including the circumstances surrounding the planning and publication of these two bestsellers, the professed motivations behind the contributors’ participation, and the social impact that they occasioned. By introducing the intellectual and political topography within China underlying the books’ phenomenal success and examining the social and cultural background for the resurgence and spread of nationalism in China in the 1990s, the article elucidates the full significance of renewed nationalism in China. After reemerging on the international scene in the 1990s, China failed in its bid to host the Olympics and also confronted the theory of China as a global threat. In this climate, Chinese intellectuals began to reflect critically on the excessive idealization and romanticization of the West that had characterized the trends of enlightenment thought. This revision coincided on the one hand with the growth of interest among the masses in nationalism which had been considered taboo under socialism, and on the other with the efforts of the newly privatized publishing companies to produce bestsellers for the market. In the liberalist camp, which misunderstood the claims of these books’ contributors as advocating a return to the Cultural Revolution, opposition and severe critique were voiced, but the response of intellectuals and the masses were balanced between opposition and support on the whole. China Is Unhappy, published in 2009, revealed an ambition for the establishment of a new world order centered on China, and some of this agenda (AIIB, the Belt and Road, and building up the navy) appear now to be in the process of being realized as a matter of government policy. While it cannot be denied that popular nationalism represents a definite trend and that it has impacted the policy of the Chinese government to an extent, interpreting it as the official mainstream position of the Chinese government or as the ideological foundation for Sinocentric global hegemony runs the risk of unwarranted generalization.

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