임시정부 구성을 둘러싼 노선투쟁: 로쟌코와 밀류코프를 중심으로 (The Political Struggle on Formation of Russian Provisional Government in 1917)

서지정보

· 발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회
· 수록지 정보 : 서양사연구 / 57호 / 3 ~ 42페이지
· 저자명 : 박상철

초록

On February 27, 1917, when the Duma Committee decided to take power, the Russian liberals were divided over how to form a new government.
Rodzianko, the State Duma Chairperson, representing the right-wing liberals, thought that the State Duma or the Duma Committee should play a decisive role in organizing the provisional government and that it should continue to play an important political role thereafter. On February 26 Rodzianko expressed his willingness to lead the Ministry of Confidence. As the revolutionary forces gradually gained control of Petrograd, however, he began to claim a more radical solution, namely the organization of the Responsible Ministry and the promise of a Constitution. He tried to mobilize the support of Grand Princes and military commanders, arguing that it would be possible to avoid the bloody suppression of the rising peoples and resolve the current crisis with the Emperor's political concessions. He also planned to meet the Emperor himself to persuade him to make some political concessions. But he did not implement the plan because of the rapidly changing situation in Petrograd. His efforts gained the considerable sympathy and in particular the military commanders pressed the Emperor Nikolai II into accepting Rodzianko’s demands. On the afternoon of March 1, however, the discussion for organizing the provisional government began before the Emperor's concessions were made and Rodzianko's secret attempts had rather undermined his authority.
Meanwhile, the Left liberals, represented by Paul Miliukov, thought to organize a Ministry of Social Confidence, that is, the provisional government that had no official relationship with the State Duma and the Duma Committee, and that Prince L'vov, the president of the Union of Zemstvos would lead. So he postponed the discussion over the organization of provisional government until Prince L'vov's arrival in the State Duma building. And Miliukov led the discussion after his arrival. Based on the theory of the two-stage revolution, Miliukov believed that the provisional government should not only be able to successfully carry out the “bourgeois” revolution but also be able to prevent the coming socialist revolution. He, therefore, claimed to seek the legitimacy of the provisional government in the revolution itself and sought the cooperation on the part of the Petrograd Soviet leadership in order to secure the support of the revolutionary masses. He brought the leaders of the social organizations into the provisional government and made the Constitutional Democrats to be the majority of the provisional government, having argued that the role of the “6.3 Dumas”, led by the Octoberists, should be passed on to the “privileged” society. After having gained the support of the Soviet leadership, the provisional government ceased its formal relationship with the State Duma and the Duma Committee and declared that the provisional government had the virtually autocratic power.

영어초록

On February 27, 1917, when the Duma Committee decided to take power, the Russian liberals were divided over how to form a new government.
Rodzianko, the State Duma Chairperson, representing the right-wing liberals, thought that the State Duma or the Duma Committee should play a decisive role in organizing the provisional government and that it should continue to play an important political role thereafter. On February 26 Rodzianko expressed his willingness to lead the Ministry of Confidence. As the revolutionary forces gradually gained control of Petrograd, however, he began to claim a more radical solution, namely the organization of the Responsible Ministry and the promise of a Constitution. He tried to mobilize the support of Grand Princes and military commanders, arguing that it would be possible to avoid the bloody suppression of the rising peoples and resolve the current crisis with the Emperor's political concessions. He also planned to meet the Emperor himself to persuade him to make some political concessions. But he did not implement the plan because of the rapidly changing situation in Petrograd. His efforts gained the considerable sympathy and in particular the military commanders pressed the Emperor Nikolai II into accepting Rodzianko’s demands. On the afternoon of March 1, however, the discussion for organizing the provisional government began before the Emperor's concessions were made and Rodzianko's secret attempts had rather undermined his authority.
Meanwhile, the Left liberals, represented by Paul Miliukov, thought to organize a Ministry of Social Confidence, that is, the provisional government that had no official relationship with the State Duma and the Duma Committee, and that Prince L'vov, the president of the Union of Zemstvos would lead. So he postponed the discussion over the organization of provisional government until Prince L'vov's arrival in the State Duma building. And Miliukov led the discussion after his arrival. Based on the theory of the two-stage revolution, Miliukov believed that the provisional government should not only be able to successfully carry out the “bourgeois” revolution but also be able to prevent the coming socialist revolution. He, therefore, claimed to seek the legitimacy of the provisional government in the revolution itself and sought the cooperation on the part of the Petrograd Soviet leadership in order to secure the support of the revolutionary masses. He brought the leaders of the social organizations into the provisional government and made the Constitutional Democrats to be the majority of the provisional government, having argued that the role of the “6.3 Dumas”, led by the Octoberists, should be passed on to the “privileged” society. After having gained the support of the Soviet leadership, the provisional government ceased its formal relationship with the State Duma and the Duma Committee and declared that the provisional government had the virtually autocratic power.

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