후고구려의 對중국 외교 관련 기록 검토 (The Review of Diplomatic Records Between the Later Goguryeo and China)

서지정보

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· 저자명 : 홍창우

초록

This article was written to review diplomatic records between the Later Goguryeo[後高句麗] and China.
We can’t find the records that the Later Goguryeo has diplomatic relationship with other countries in internal material such as Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Samgukyusa(『三國遺事』). For this reason, it is often said that Gungye(弓裔), the king of the Later Goguryeo, did not have the ability to form diplomatic relationship or was negligent in diplomacy. But the later Goguryeo has government ministries such as Suchunbu(壽春部), Bongbinbu(奉賓部) and Sadae(史臺) in charge of diplomatic affairs. And Gungye was encouraged by the accomplishment of capturing the Later Beakje[後百濟]’s ship which was sailing to Wúyuè[吳越] from west coast. At that time, there were some merchants who traveled to and from China and the Later Goguryeo to engage in business transactions. Therefore, the Later Goguryeo was not unrelated to the international order of the time and was not insensitive to grasp the flow.
In this situation, the diplomatic records of the Later Goguryeo in some chinese materials must be noted. In Zīzhìtōngjiàn[『資治通鑑』] written by Sīmăgu°ng[司馬光], there is information that ‘Gōngài[躬乂]’, the king of ‘Dàifēngguó[代封國]’, sent the envoy named Kim Ib-gi(金立奇) to ‘Wú[吳]’ in 919. But this record is not free from the question that Gungye really sent the envoy because Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo perished in 918. Therefore, it was King Taejo(太祖) of Goryeo(高麗) who sent the envoy to Wú, not Gungye.
In Liáoshi[『遼史』], there is information that Goryeo paid a tribute to Qìdān[契丹] in 915 and 918(Feb. and Mar.) previous Wang Geon(王建)’s Goryeo was established. But there is a claim that it can’t be seen as an act of the Later Goguryeo because of we can’t find the Later Goguryeo’s diplomatic records in internal materials and have a skeptical response about historial materials value of Liáoshi. However Wanggeon’s Goryeo and Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo was recognized as Goryeo by the chinese history(正史). For that reason, the word ‘Goryeo’ in Liáoshi should be regarded as the Later Goguryeo.
Especially this study pay attention to the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that was written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn. The word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that the humiliated written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn is continuously founded in other chinese materials. If Gungye sent the envoy, he would not have written himself as ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’. Then it is most likely that it was deliberately ‘referred to’ by someone and was probably the work of King Taejo of Goryeo. As he could not become a king as long as Silla(新羅) regime lasted, he needed to have some justification for being crowned king. So King Taejo needed to emphasize that he had to take the throne by cutting off Gungye. Therefore, the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ in Zīzhìtōngjiàn is likely to be ‘hearsay’ due to the dispatch of Kim Ib-gi.
In the case of Liáoshi, it is true that the historical value is still suspected. However, in the recent research, Liáoshi ‘s record problem seems to be gradually being cleared. Based on this, this study judged that the dispatch of envoys to Qìdān was an actual incident. And it is presumed that the two countries’ interests were based on the common denominator of Balhae(渤海). The Qìdān needed to check Balhae to make inroads into the continent, and the Later Goguryeo was required to stabilize its northern provinces to secure the upper hand in the period of the three states. This situation has led to the negotiation between the two countries.

영어초록

This article was written to review diplomatic records between the Later Goguryeo[後高句麗] and China.
We can’t find the records that the Later Goguryeo has diplomatic relationship with other countries in internal material such as Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Samgukyusa(『三國遺事』). For this reason, it is often said that Gungye(弓裔), the king of the Later Goguryeo, did not have the ability to form diplomatic relationship or was negligent in diplomacy. But the later Goguryeo has government ministries such as Suchunbu(壽春部), Bongbinbu(奉賓部) and Sadae(史臺) in charge of diplomatic affairs. And Gungye was encouraged by the accomplishment of capturing the Later Beakje[後百濟]’s ship which was sailing to Wúyuè[吳越] from west coast. At that time, there were some merchants who traveled to and from China and the Later Goguryeo to engage in business transactions. Therefore, the Later Goguryeo was not unrelated to the international order of the time and was not insensitive to grasp the flow.
In this situation, the diplomatic records of the Later Goguryeo in some chinese materials must be noted. In Zīzhìtōngjiàn[『資治通鑑』] written by Sīmăgu°ng[司馬光], there is information that ‘Gōngài[躬乂]’, the king of ‘Dàifēngguó[代封國]’, sent the envoy named Kim Ib-gi(金立奇) to ‘Wú[吳]’ in 919. But this record is not free from the question that Gungye really sent the envoy because Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo perished in 918. Therefore, it was King Taejo(太祖) of Goryeo(高麗) who sent the envoy to Wú, not Gungye.
In Liáoshi[『遼史』], there is information that Goryeo paid a tribute to Qìdān[契丹] in 915 and 918(Feb. and Mar.) previous Wang Geon(王建)’s Goryeo was established. But there is a claim that it can’t be seen as an act of the Later Goguryeo because of we can’t find the Later Goguryeo’s diplomatic records in internal materials and have a skeptical response about historial materials value of Liáoshi. However Wanggeon’s Goryeo and Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo was recognized as Goryeo by the chinese history(正史). For that reason, the word ‘Goryeo’ in Liáoshi should be regarded as the Later Goguryeo.
Especially this study pay attention to the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that was written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn. The word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that the humiliated written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn is continuously founded in other chinese materials. If Gungye sent the envoy, he would not have written himself as ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’. Then it is most likely that it was deliberately ‘referred to’ by someone and was probably the work of King Taejo of Goryeo. As he could not become a king as long as Silla(新羅) regime lasted, he needed to have some justification for being crowned king. So King Taejo needed to emphasize that he had to take the throne by cutting off Gungye. Therefore, the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ in Zīzhìtōngjiàn is likely to be ‘hearsay’ due to the dispatch of Kim Ib-gi.
In the case of Liáoshi, it is true that the historical value is still suspected. However, in the recent research, Liáoshi ‘s record problem seems to be gradually being cleared. Based on this, this study judged that the dispatch of envoys to Qìdān was an actual incident. And it is presumed that the two countries’ interests were based on the common denominator of Balhae(渤海). The Qìdān needed to check Balhae to make inroads into the continent, and the Later Goguryeo was required to stabilize its northern provinces to secure the upper hand in the period of the three states. This situation has led to the negotiation between the two countries.

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